Three times in the year every [one] of your males shall appear with é--ä, your Ël•oh•imꞋ, in the place that He shall choose: on Khag ha-Matz•otꞋ, on Khag ha-Shâvu•otꞋ and on Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ; and he shall not appear with é--ä empty [handed]. (Dᵊvâr•imꞋ 16.16-17)
Caution: During Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ, candles should not be lit near flammable Suk•âhꞋ decorations or wooden walls. Never leave candles burning without supervision. Make sure that the electric cord providing light in the Suk•âhꞋ (except on Shab•âtꞋ, so as not to anger other Jews) is attached properly and kept out of rain and the reach of young children. (Excerpted from article by Judy Siegel for éåÉí äÇëÌÄôÌËåÌøÄéí, Jerusalem Post, 2003.10.05, p. 4.)
The authentic Teimân•iꞋ greeting for every khag (PësꞋakh-Khag ha-Matz•otꞋ, Khag ha-Shâvu•otꞋ and Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ; the High Holy Days are distinct from the Khaj•imꞋ), from back in Yemen, is NOT the popular "khag sa•meiꞋakh" (though the latter, "Israeli-fied," greeting is most frequently heard even around our Beit ha-kᵊnësꞋët), but rather:
úÌÄæÀëÌåÌ ìÀùÑÈðÄéí øÇáÌåÉú åÌìÀîåÉòÇãÄéí èåÉáÄéí
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2000.10.13: This was the scene at Ra•a•nanꞋâ(h)'s Yad lᵊ-Bân•imꞋ (Municipal Exhibition Hall, Auditorium & Library) Plaza this morning when I went to purchase my ìåÌìÈá set and àÆúÀøåÉâ. |
The plaza in front of Yad lᵊ-Bân•imꞋ is usually an open concrete plaza with a couple of palms. A few days before Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ, merchants set up booths to sell Suk•otꞋ, ìåÌìÈáÄéí, àÆúÀøåÉâÄéí, ha•das•imꞋ and A•râv•otꞋ. One of the first tables was an àÆúÀøåÉâ vendor. However, he didn't have àÆúÀøåÉâÄéí Teimân•imꞋ. |
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The next table, also seen in the top left of the last photo, was another àÆúÀøåÉâ vendor. However, he didn't have àÆúÀøåÉâÄéí Teimân•imꞋ either. |
The ìåÌìÈáÄéí vendor's table. |
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Finally! The àÆúÀøåÉâ Teimân•iꞋ vendor's table. Here I bought my ìåÌìÈá set and àÆúÀøåÉâ. The àÆúÀøåÉâÄéí Teimân•imꞋ are the boxes with green labels (on the right of the far table, in the corner). The others, and boxes with yellow labels are regular àÆúÀøåÉâÄéí. The difference between the two is known to the growers but cannot be discerned from the outside of the fruit; only by cutting them open—and then they wouldn't be kâ•sheirꞋ for use. There isn't any problem of confusion or misrepresentation among Orthodox vendors, however. Packets of three branches of ha•das•imꞋ are seen in the right foreground. |
The vendor of colored foil ornaments for the Suk•âhꞋ. These ornaments are fancier, but purists, like me, prefer ornaments our children made in school or hanging plastic fruits—especially the Seven Species (grapes, figs, pomegranates, wheat, barley, olives and dates). Hanging real lemons or limes add a great fragrance as well as visual enhancement to the Suk•âhꞋ. One exception, though, is that several years ago we saw, loved and bought a colored plastic plaque with the twelve coats-of-arms of the twelve tribes. (It can be seen on the back wall in the photo of the interior of our Suk•âhꞋ.) We love it. |
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The vendors of Suk•otꞋ frames, sheeting and sᵊkâkh. A customer or vendor is seen walking across an unrolled sᵊkâkh. Part of a sᵊkâkh, partially rolled up for storage, is seen in the foreground. In the left-center background a man is seen adjusting a sᵊkâkh rolled-out in its proper place on the Suk•âhꞋ. For your consumer information, the models you see offered by these vendors are cheap models with (sometimes printed) bed-sheet-like cloth sides and puny metal frames with a hollow 1x1-like aluminum bar or pipe (similar in size to a 1" by 1" piece of wood) top and bottom rail but lacking any side-supporting rails. Unless securely tethered, this cheap model is very light and has a tendency to blow over, or across the yard, on a windy day, as well as break at the welds and joining points. |
I bought my, far sturdier, Suk•âhꞋ several years ago in Bᵊn•eiꞋ-Bᵊraq. The better Suk•otꞋ have three 2x4-like steel side bar rails (instead of a bottom rail or, worse, pipe) as well as a 2x4-like steel top rail on each side. The better sheeting is also heavy, canvas-like, plastic (fiber-glass? — virtually impervious to ripping or absorbing colors from children's decorations in a rain—not to mention water-proof) rather than cloth. Closeable windows can be obtained in all models. (I wish we'd gotten windows on each side. I cut in windows and discovered it frayed badly; had to use duct tape to stop the fraying.) This model lasts for many years… and, when anchored down, isn't collapsed and pushed over by the wind. Even the sturdier models, which won't collapse, can "sail" across a parking lot in a gust—causing damage to cars—if not anchored down, at least on the windward side. So "Prairie Schooners" should be kept anchored. While I'm advised it's not considered kâ•sheirꞋ to tie down the sᵊkâkh, that can also be blown off onto adjacent parked cars or other people's property, causing damage—and bad relations with secular neighbors. This would be even worse in the Tᵊphutz•âhꞋ, where neighbors are often goy•imꞋ or blatantly misojudaic. Causing such damage through failure to take reasonable precautions is khi•lulꞋ ä--é. Therefore, correct Halâkh•âhꞋ is to lash down the Suk•âhꞋ and sᵊkâkh wherever there is a reasonable risk failure to do so might cause injury or damage to property. | |
Looking back on the market from the other side. On the left, stacks of palm fronds vendors on sale to place atop the sᵊkâkh. |
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(Excerpted & paraphrased from Esrog Farm)
Tei•mân•imꞋ do not use the Ash•kᵊnazꞋi "koishekle" (3-branched holder, woven from frond slats, then dried). Decline it or, as it is usually included in a set, discard it. (Since no bᵊrâkh•âhꞋ has been said over it, discarding it requires no special handling.)
With the smooth side of the ìåÌìÈá up, facing you, slide 3-5 frond-slat ties on the ìåÌìÈá so that the ìåÌìÈá rustles slightly when shaken gently. (To form a tie, fold & tie a slat of the frond into a ring.)
Place the three sprigs of ha•dasꞋ on the right of the ìåÌìÈá. The tops should reach to about 10 cm (4") below the top of the ùÑÄãÀøÈä where the topmost frond-slats emerge. (It isn't necessary to be precise, and one cannot see this point well, since the frond-slats should not be opened up.
Place the two sprigs of A•râv•otꞋ on the left of the ìåÌìÈá. Their tops should be a little lower than the tops of the ha•das•imꞋ.
Tighten the rings.
The easiest method is to order a plastic carrying case (which, with the insertion of a damp cloth inside around the base of the ìåÌìÈá, is also good for storing it) with the set. Else, cut a rectangle of aluminium foil large enough to cover the A•râv•otꞋ and ha•das•imꞋ. Lay it flat and cover with a paper towel or newspaper slightly smaller.
Moisten the paper slightly and wrap the paper and foil around the ìåÌìÈá bundle.
Place the ìåÌìÈá bundle in the plastic bag and store in a cool place, preferably the refrigerator. Do not freeze! It will thaw unusable.
When not in use, keep the ìåÌìÈá bundle wrapped with the moist paper/foil. Periodically moisten the paper.
When not in use, keep the àÆúÀøåÉâ in its plastic bag, in the box and in a cool place.
In Tei•mânꞋ, from initial design and construction of the home, one room was designated the "Suk•otꞋ room." In the Suk•otꞋ (room), they placed ët•rog•imꞋ (which are meant to be eaten) to spread their pleasant fragrance. Also the Suk•otꞋ (room) is decorated with vases filled with ha•dasꞋ. Thus, the fragrances combine with each other and make a lovely scent that can be called the fragrance of Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ. The Suk•otꞋ (room) is decorated with the finest cloths they own, and when they go inside, they take their shoes off [where it's safe, not in our parking lot; ybd] and set them outside, because of the honor of the Suk•âhꞋ.
There is also a great bustle at the merchants of the Ar•bâ•âh Min•imꞋ, for it is customary to buy Ar•bâ•âh Min•imꞋ for each and every grown man, male teen and boys [over the age of Bar-Mitz•wâhꞋ].
The men of the town choose ët•rog•imꞋ that are free of any blemish. Every vendor has a large amount of ët•rog•imꞋ and so the buyer must look through them carefully so as not to damage any of the kâ•sheirꞋ ones.
[When] the ërꞋëv of the Khag had been sanctified they would pray with joy, then return home and enter the Suk•âhꞋ—but they would not sit. Rather, they would first recite the Qi•dushꞋ while standing, then recite the ùÑÆäÆçÁéÈðåÌ and, finally, the ìÅéùÇÑá áÌÇñÌåÌëÌÈä Only then would they would sit and drink, in an atmosphere of Qᵊdush•âhꞋ and festivity surrounding the ñÌåÌëÌÈä and its inhabitants. They would serve Jal′ ëh and wine, eat and drink and sing the songs of the Khag (at the end of the chapter in his book). And at the end they would dine and sleep in the ñÌåÌëÌÈä. Everyone, without exception, would rise the following day while it was still night to go to beit ha-kᵊnësꞋët; some after midnight and some before dawn, everyone, large and small, with their ìåÌìÈá in hand.
On ërꞋëv Yom Tov they would study Mish•nâ•yotꞋ with the interpretation of the Ram•ba"mꞋ, or R' Ovad•yâhꞋ mi-Bartenura, all in accordance with the custom of the Beit ha-kᵊnësꞋët. On the evenings of khol ha-mō•eidꞋ they would learn the Six Orders [of Tal•mudꞋ] with Rash"i's interpretation. At dawn they would pray, then take the ìåÌìÈá and say the Ha•leilꞋ.
It's customary to commemorate the qor•bânꞋ Khag by contributing a minimum of ₪3 to your local Orthodox Beit ha-kᵊnësꞋët (not on Shab•âtꞋ or the khag, of course). Unlike Shab•âtꞋ Shᵊqal•imꞋ, larger contributions are welcome on khol Khaj•imꞋ. You can find the current rate of exchange for your currency from one of the Israeli newspaper websites and contribute locally in your own currency. If you aren't able to attend a local Orthodox Beit ha-kᵊnësꞋët regularly, then you should use it to do some local charity work on behalf of the Nᵊtzâr•
We had a palm growing into the windows of our apartment this year [2000], which needed to be removed. So we lucked out this year. We cut three fronds which now sit proudly atop our Suk•âhꞋ on top of the sᵊkâkh.
During Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ, the parking lot between our apartment buildings doubles as a community of Suk•otꞋ for dât•imꞋ residents. In past years, our Suk•âhꞋ and the Suk•âhꞋ of our downstairs neighbor, Moti, were the only two Suk•otꞋ in the parking lot. An upstairs neighbor, who has a rooftop apartment, build their Suk•âhꞋ in their rooftop patio — the ideal place (no exhaust fumes and cars driving past, for example).
This year, however, I notice that residents of the apartment building next to ours is erecting a double-width Suk•âhꞋ, two Suk•otꞋ frames joined and surrounded by sheeting. Room for lots of guests. Kol ha-kâ•vodꞋ!
Update 2000.10.15: The double-width was only for the week-end, apparently relatives staying over had brought their own Suk•âhꞋ to double-up for the extra room. After Shab•âtꞋ, the guests packed up their Suk•âhꞋ and went home (presumably to construct their Suk•âhꞋ there). The remaining Suk•âhꞋ was then re-fitted with its sheeting so that the previously open wall was covered. Now it is a standard single Suk•âhꞋ.
Our neighbor's Suk•âhꞋ on the left, ours on the right. The three supporting side rails are just visible inside. We added a door flap, a separate piece of sheeting. Our sheeting is also heavy plastic weave rather than bedsheet-like cloth of the cheaper models… but cheaper in the long run as it lasts for many years. (Also keeps us drier in a rain, though one should be able to see the sky through the roof, according to Halâkh•âhꞋ, so they leak—liberally.) Cloth sheeting is also available with Suk•otꞋ-motif symbols printed in color. |
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The interior of our Suk•âhꞋ, showing a small table for three. Note the supporting side rails along the back wall. Love those three palm fronds! |
Suk•âhꞋ built by Nᵊtzâr•imꞋ Geir •TzëdꞋëq Ken "Yosi" Guentert, in San Diego, California (since moved to Colorado). "This is from 1995, but it's the same every year. I keep thinking about closing it in a bit more with blinds, but I don't seem to get around to it. We have added those little chile lights—maybe you haven't seen those little Mexican numbers—so it's quite festive at night. |
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Suk•âhꞋ built by Nᵊtzâr•imꞋ Geir •TzëdꞋëq Ed "Shmueil" Gomez, in Ashland, OR, USA (2003). "Shmueil" writes (2003.10.12, update 2003.10.22): "My Suk•âhꞋ turned out awesome! I'm so excited about it. It's a total put up, breakdown and and set up again type Suk•âhꞋ. It's 71/2' X 71/2' X 8' tall, using eight concrete blocks (two blocks stacked at each corner with the 2 X 4's mounted in the holes with large stones wedged in the holes to lock them/stabilize them in place, four 2 X 4's and seven 2 X 2's, twine (23 pieces of twine and 39 knots), it has a straw floor with wooden lattice sides. It took me an hour and 15 minutes to set up. Bam!" |
wa-Yi•qᵊr•âꞋ 22.42—This pâ•suqꞋ, in English, can make it sound like only those "home born" in the land of Israel need to sit in a Suk•âhꞋ during Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ. In the Hebrew, however, it reads "You shall sit in a Suk•âhꞋ seven days, every citizen in Yi•sᵊ•râ•eilꞋ shall sit in a Suk•âhꞋ." Yi•sᵊ•râ•eilꞋ, here, includes am Yi•sᵊ•râ•eilꞋ and not only the geographical land of Yi•sᵊ•râ•eilꞋ. Therefore, all those who are citizens of am Yi•sᵊ•râ•eilꞋ, which includes geir•imꞋ, are directed to sit in a Suk•âhꞋ on each of the seven days.
Special sidur•imꞋ are used for the Khaj•imꞋ.
Note: excepting Shab•âtꞋ, the ìåÌìÈá and àÆúÀøåÉâ are used in morning services, whether home or beit ha-kᵊnësꞋët, everyday. So don't forget that you'll need them in beit ha-kᵊnësꞋët except on Shab•âtꞋ.
Note: Carrying in the public domain (viz., outside an ei•ruvꞋ) on these days is forbidden. To construct a "hedge" around this prohibition, mainstream Jews don't carry or wave the ìåÌìÈá and àÆúÀøåÉâ on Shab•âtꞋ. After returning home from beit ha-kᵊnësꞋët (where that is viable), you should satisfy the mitz•wâhꞋ at home.
Note: The head of the house should recite the bᵊrâkh•âhꞋ over wine, and then over bread, everyday in the Suk•âhꞋ.
Tip: When taking the àÆúÀøåÉâ: in your left hand, stem-side up. (Be careful not to damage any bud with your palm.) After saying the blessing the bud side is turned up (i.e. stem-side down).
Tip: Teimân•imꞋ don't "beckon" with the ìåÌìÈá like the Ash•kᵊnazꞋim. "Rustle" (vibrate, shake) the ìåÌìÈá tips vigorously a couple of seconds, first to the east. That's easy to remember. Then clockwise in each direction. Finally, up then down.
Dilemma: With the àÆúÀøåÉâ in your left hand and the ìåÌìÈá in your right hand, with which hand do you hold the sidur? The other hand, of course. Jews always have an "on the other hand " Good juggling.
Similar to the 7-day Khag ha-Matz•otꞋ, the first (and 2nd in the Tᵊphutz•âhꞋ) and last days of the 8-day Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ are special Shabât•otꞋ in which melakhah is prohibited.
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On each of the first six days of Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ, except Shab•âtꞋ, we parade one äÇ÷ÌÈôÈä around the bim•âhꞋ carrying our ìåÌìÈá and àÆúÀøåÉâ, reciting a äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà (selection from the si•durꞋ).
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Based on Yᵊsha•yâhꞋu 12.3, where it is accompanied by the playing of the flute, on each of the seven days of khol ha-moōeidꞋ (which excludes Shab•âtꞋ and the special Shab•âtꞋ of Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ), a libation of water was made together with the libation of wine in Sha•khar•itꞋ (Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 4.1).
There were said to be three great Mᵊnor•otꞋ of gold in the çÈöÅø of the Beit ha-Miq•dâshꞋ , which were lit on these occasions "and there was not a courtyard in Yᵊrushâ•laꞋyim that did not reflect the light of the áÌÅéú äÇùÑÌåÉàÅáÈä" (Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 5.2-3). Men of piety and good works used to dance before them with burning torches in their hands, singing songs and praises" (Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 5.4). It was further said that whoever had not seen ùÒÄîçÇú áÌÅéú äÇùÑÌåÉàÅáÈä had never witnessed real ùÒÄîçÈä in his life (Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 5.1)—(EJ, 15.499-500).
A connection between the indwelling of the RuꞋakh ha-•QoꞋdësh (widely symbolized by water, especially maiꞋyim khaiꞋyim) and sim•khâhꞋ is found in the ceremony of ùÒÄîçÇú áÌÅéú äÇùÑÌåÉàÅáÈä.
 Karen (top center) dips her hand in Bᵊreikh•atꞋ Shi•loꞋakh where it flows out of Khiz•qi•yâhꞋu's Tunnel (Hellenized to "Hezekiah"). Photographed © 1983 by Yirmeyahu Ben-David. |
The water was drawn from Bᵊreikh•atꞋ Shi•loꞋakh in a golden flagon holding ≅ one liter (3 logs, ≅ one quart). Accompanied by the playing of the flute, it was carried to the water gate (opposite the ki•yorꞋ (laver) on the south side of the Beit ha-Miq•dâshꞋ), where a baꞋal tᵊru•âhꞋ trumpeted tᵊqiyꞋâh, tᵊru•âhꞋ, tᵊqiyꞋâh on the sho•phârꞋ. The officiating Ko•heinꞋ then took the golden flagon up the ramp of the Miz•beiꞋakh and turned to his left where there were two silver bowls. One silver bowl was for water and the other was for wine. Both libations were poured out simultaneously (Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 4.9).
There were said to be three huge golden Mᵊnor•otꞋ in the court of the Beit ha-Miq•dâshꞋ that were lit on these occasions "and there was not a courtyard in Yᵊrushâ•laꞋyim that did not reflect the light of the ùÒÄîçÇú áÌÅéú äÇùÑÌåÉàÅáÈä (Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 5.2-3). "Men of piety and good works used to dance before them with burning torches in their hands, singing songs and praises" (<Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 5.4). It was further said that whoever had not seen the ùÒÄîçÇú áÌÅéú äÇùÑÌåÉàÅáÈä had never witnessed real joy in his life (Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 5.1).
 áÌÅéú äÇùÑÌåÉàÅáÈä Water Gate (rightmost of three, marked with red dot) to Beit ha-Miq•dâshꞋ, Yᵊrushâ•laꞋyim. Photographed © 1985 by Yirmeyahu Ben-David. |
Since, like the äÇ÷ÌÈôÈä, this libation is not mentioned in Ta•na"khꞋ. Consequently, the rabbis declared that it was a Mosaic law from Har Sin•aiꞋ (Ma•sëkꞋët Zᵊvâkh•imꞋ 110b) or an institution of the Nᵊviy•imꞋ (Tal•mudꞋ Yᵊrushal•miꞋ Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 4.1, 54b)—namely Yᵊsha•yâhꞋu 12.3—and found homiletical justification for it in Tor•âhꞋ (Ma•sëkꞋët Sha•bâtꞋ 103b).
The water libation was offered at this time of the year "in order that the new rainy season would be blessed" (Ma•sëkꞋët Rosh ha-Shân•âhꞋ 16a).
The MishꞋnâh said that he who had never seen this ceremony, which was accompanied by dancing, singing, and music (Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 5.4), had never seen true joy (Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 5.1). Yet, this was also considered a ceremony in which the participants, as it were, drew inspiration from the RuꞋakh ha-•QoꞋdësh, which indwells only in those whose hearts are full of religious joy (Tal•mudꞋ Yᵊrushal•miꞋ Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 5.1, 55a).
On the other six days, called Khol ha-Mo•eidꞋ, mᵊlâkh•âhꞋ is permitted.
Suk•otꞋ is the harvest (or 'ingathering') khag (Shᵊm•otꞋ 23.16; 34.22), celebrating the time of ingathering from the threshing floor and wine press (Dᵊvâr•imꞋ 16.13; cf. Shᵊm•otꞋ 23.16; wa-Yi•qᵊr•âꞋ 23.39) at the end of the year (Shᵊm•otꞋ 23.16; cf. 34.22). Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ is the last of the three Khaj•imꞋ connected with the agricultural year (Shᵊm•otꞋ 23.16; 34.22; wa-Yi•qᵊr•âꞋ 23.34-36, 39-43; bᵊ-Mi•dᵊbarꞋ 29.12-38; Dᵊvâr•imꞋ 16.13-15), and was from ancient times one of the most important Khaj•imꞋ of Israel and, therefore, is called 'khag é--ä (wa-Yi•qᵊr•âꞋ 23.39; Sho•phᵊt•imꞋ 21.19) or simply ha-Khag (Mᵊlâkh•imꞋ ÂlꞋëph 8.2, 65; 12.32; Yᵊkhëz•qeilꞋ 45.25; Nᵊkhëm•yâhꞋ 8.14; Div•reiꞋ ha-Yâm•imꞋ Beit 5.3; 7.8) ("Sukkah," EJ, 15.496).
A similar khag in the vineyards, in which the girls danced, was celebrated every year in Shil•ohꞋ (Sho•phᵊt•imꞋ 21.19-21). That rejoicing is intrinsic to this khag is demonstrated in wa-Yi•qᵊr•âꞋ 23.40; Dᵊvâr•imꞋ 16.14 and Nᵊkhëm•yâhꞋ 8.17.
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The seventh day of Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ is known as äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà. The Ho•shan•otꞋ (pl.) for a good harvest in the year to come are recited during a procession seven times around the bim•âhꞋ. After the service, the òÂøÈáåÉú are bound together in bundles of five and beaten on the ground. " No [bᵊrâkh•âhꞋ] is recited over the beating of the [òÂøÈáÈä] since it was merely a custom." (OU).
"…willow branches… were stood around the side of the altar with their leaves overlapping the top (Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 4:5–6; Ram•ba"mꞋ Yâd, Suk•âhꞋ, 7:22–23). In the MishꞋnâh the day is therefore known as éåÉí äÇùÑÌÀáÄéòÄé ùÑÆì òÂøÈáÈä (Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 4:3)." (Jewish Virtual Library 2010.08.09).
"According to ø' éåçðï áï áøå÷ä, the leaves of palm fronds were beaten off against the ground to symbolize the elimination of a•veir•otꞋ and thus the day is known as éåÉí çÄáÌåÌè çÂøËéÌåÉú]; ibid. 4:6). It is generally known as äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà because of the numerous äåÉùÑÇòÀðåÉú, which are recited and is thus referred to already in the Mid•râsh•imꞋ (Mid. Ps. to 17:5; Lev. R. 37:2). The ceremony of the òÂøÈáÈä took place even if this day occurred on Shab•âtꞋ (according to Ram•ba"mꞋ, loc. cit. 7:21, in order to publicize the obligatory nature of the practice). In [the time of the Beit ha-Miq•dâshꞋ ha-Shein•iꞋ] this was a source of controversy between the [Hellenist-Pᵊrush•imꞋ] Boethusians and the [mainstream] Pᵊrush•imꞋ, who gave the ceremony Biblical authority even though it is nowhere mentioned in the Bible. They considered it to be äÂìÈëÈä ìÀîÉùÑÆä îÄñÌÄéðÇé, i.e., as having been instructed verbally to Mosh•ëhꞋ during his stay on Har Sin•aiꞋ. According to the tradition of many of the øÄàùÑåÉðÄéí (e.g., To•sëphꞋtâ to Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 43b, Abraham ben David to Ram•ba"mꞋ Yâd, Qi•dushꞋ ha-KhoꞋdësh, 7:7; R. Nis•imꞋ, to Alfasi, Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 21b S.V. u-farkhinan), the calendar was fixed in such a way that [Rosh ha-Shân•âhꞋ] would not occur on a [Yom Rish•onꞋ] so that äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà should not fall on Shab•âtꞋ, which would cause the taking of the òÂøÈáÈä to be canceled… Today, the obligation of taking the òÂøÈáÈä on the seventh day of Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ remains and it is the "custom of the Nᵊviy•imꞋ" or the "principle of the Nᵊviy•imꞋ" to beat it on the ground or on some object (Ma•sëkꞋët Suk•âhꞋ 43b; cf. Ram•ba"mꞋ Yâd, Lu•lâvꞋ, 7:22). The custom of circling the interior of the [Beit ha-kᵊnësꞋët] seven times while reciting tᵊphil•otꞋ and Ta•khan•unꞋ is known from the period of the Gᵊon•imꞋ…. Already in the Tal•mudꞋ (Tal•mudꞋ Yᵊrushal•miꞋ Ma•sëkꞋët Rosh ha-Shân•âhꞋ 4:8, 59c) äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà is mentioned as one of the two days ("the day of blowing of the sho•phârꞋ [Yom Tᵊru•âhꞋ] and the day of the òÂøÈáÈä") on which all attend the [Beit ha-kᵊnësꞋët] service." (Jewish Virtual Library 2010.08.09).
In the period of the Gᵊon•imꞋ, the celebration of äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà acquired considerable solemnity and religious-mystic significance. In Yᵊrushâ•laꞋyim a large gathering took place on the [Har ha-Zeit•imꞋ] which was circled seven times; official announcements (such as fixing the coming year) were proclaimed; philanthropists and communities received blessings; and public excommunications were issued. The piyyut of äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà which opens with the words, "the power [or, the truth] of Thy salvation cometh," which deals with the splitting open of the [Har ha-Zeit•imꞋ] (Zᵊkhar•yâhꞋ 14.4) and the resurrection of the dead, probably has its origin in this ceremony. From the 13th century onward, there is evidence regarding special popular beliefs connected with äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà. There was a very widespread belief that he who did not see the shadow of his head on the night of äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà would die during that year, for äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà was the day of the "seal," wherein the verdict of man (passed on Yom ha-Ki•pur•imꞋ) is "sealed," or the day on which the "notices" of the verdict were sent out (SeiꞋphër Kha•sid•imꞋ, ed. by R. Margoliot (1957), nos. 452–3; Ram•ba"nꞋ on bᵊ-Mi•dᵊbarꞋ 14.9; Zo•harꞋ, Shᵊm•otꞋ, 142a–b). It is probable that the view of äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà as a éåÉí äÇãÌÄéï was originally connected with the ancient belief that "during the festival [i.e., Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ], the world is judged for the water to be received" (Ma•sëkꞋët Rosh ha-Shân•âhꞋ 1.2), i.e., whether the coming year would be blessed with rain or be one of drought and äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà is the conclusion of Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ. This would explain the numerous äåÉùÑÇòÀðåÉú of äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà in which the motif is water. There is also an allusion to the úÌÀôÄìÌÇú úÄÌ÷ÌåÌï äÇâÆÌùÆÑí on äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà (SeiꞋphër Kha•sid•imꞋ, no. 248)." (Jewish Virtual Library, 2010.08.09).
Over the generations, the conception of äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà as a éåÉí äÇãÌÄéï has been expressed by a series of distinct customs… and the sho•phârꞋ is blown during the processions… There is a widespread custom to stay up during the night of äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà and to read the Tor•âhꞋ… This custom does not go back further than the 13th century." (Jewish Virtual Library 2010.08.09).
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 About the only time of year when photography of the liturgy is permitted. Yâ•eilꞋ took this photo from the northern section of the women's balcony, facing south. The A•ronꞋ ha-QoꞋdësh is out of the picture to the left. The SeiphꞋër Tor•âhꞋ can be seen at the bottom right, resting (upright) on the bim•âhꞋ. The two dark arch shapes in the background are the south, emergency exit, side-doors (left) and a window. It started at 0330 in the morning and it's only about 0400 or so! It's dark out! See the video. Can you find me in the crowd? Photograph © 2006 by YirmᵊyâhꞋu Bën-Dâ•widꞋ |
äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà is another name, dating back to the time of the Beit ha-Miq•dâshꞋ ha-Shein•iꞋ, for the seventh day of Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ.
"Never on Shab•âtꞋ" – the Judaic calendar is calculated to ensure that äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà never falls on Shab•âtꞋ. Thus, we never have to be concerned on äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà about carrying our ìåÌìÈá or àÆúÀøåÉâ on Shab•âtꞋ.
Instead of the single äÇ÷ÌÈôÈä as in the previous days, on äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà we parade seven äÇ÷ÌÈôÈåÉú around the bim•âhꞋ carrying our ìåÌìÈá and àÆúÀøåÉâ, reciting äåÉùÑÇòÀðåÉú during each äÇ÷ÌÈôÈä.
This day is mentioned in Tal•mudꞋ, along with Yom Tᵊru•âhꞋ, as one of the two days that everyone is expected to attend Beit ha-kᵊnësꞋët. "The pi•yutꞋ [liturgy] of äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà, which opens with the words, 'the power [or, the truth] of Your salvation comes,' which deals with the splitting open of Har ha-Zeit•imꞋ into north and south parts (Zᵊkhar•yâhꞋ ha-Nâ•viꞋ 14.4) and the resurrection of the dead, probably has its origin in this ceremony" (EJ, 8.1036-7).
Because the service is long, beginning at the usual time would result in excessive loss of time from work. Ergo, this service begins at 0330 in the morning!
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Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ is immediately followed, on the eighth day by the Khag of ùÑÀîÄéðÄé òÂöÆøÆú, which is also a a special Shab•âtꞋ, a Yom Tov (good day, i.e. festival) in which mᵊlâkh•âhꞋ is prohibited.
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(Passages below reflect No•sakhꞋ Teimân•iꞋ contrasted with the traditions of the Sᵊphârâd•imꞋ and Ash•kᵊnazꞋim.)
| Yi•sᵊ•râ•eilꞋ | the Tᵊphutz•âhꞋ | |||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Tor•âhꞋ | Ma•phᵊtirꞋ | Ha•phᵊtâr•âhꞋ | Tor•âhꞋ | Ma•phᵊtirꞋ | Ha•phᵊtâr•âhꞋ | |
| Seventh-month 15 ñËëÌåÉú | åé÷øà 22.26–23.44 5753 5756 | áîãáø 29.12-16 | æëøéä 13.9–14.21 not 14.1-21 5752 5753 5756 | åé÷øà 22.26–23.44 | áîãáø 29.12-16 | æëøéä 13.9–14.21 not 14.1-21 |
ùáú çåä"î ñËëÌåÉú | ||||||
| Yi•sᵊ•râ•eilꞋ | the Tᵊphutz•âhꞋ | |||||
| Tor•âhꞋ | Ma•phᵊtirꞋ | Ha•phᵊtâr•âhꞋ | Tor•âhꞋ | Ma•phᵊtirꞋ | Ha•phᵊtâr•âhꞋ | |
| ùáú çåä"î Supersedes appropriate day below See note 2, below | ùîåú 33.12–34.26 | See note 2, below | éçæ÷àì 38.1-23, not 38.18–39.16 | ùîåú 33.12–34.26 | See note 2, below | éçæ÷àì 38.1-23, not 38.18–39.16 |
| Yi•sᵊ•râ•eilꞋ | the Tᵊphutz•âhꞋ | |||||
| Tor•âhꞋ | Ma•phᵊtirꞋ | Ha•phᵊtâr•âhꞋ | Tor•âhꞋ | Ma•phᵊtirꞋ | Ha•phᵊtâr•âhꞋ | |
| Seventh-month 16 2nd Day of ñËëÌåÉú | áîãáø 29.17-19, not 29.12-16 5753 | - | - | åé÷øà 22.26–23.44 | áîãáø 29.12-19, not 29.12-16 | îìëéí à' 7.51–8.21, not 8.2-21 |
| Seventh-month 17 3rd Day* of ñËëÌåÉú | áîãáø 29.20-22, not 29.17-25 | - | - | áîãáø 29.20-22, not 29.17-25 | - | - |
| Seventh-month 18 4th Day* of ñËëÌåÉú | áîãáø 29.23-25, not 29.20-28 | - | - | áîãáø 29.23-25, not 29.20-28 | - | - |
| Seventh-month 19 5th Day of ñËëÌåÉú | áîãáø 29.26-28, not 29.23-31 | - | - | áîãáø 29.26-28, not 29.23-31 | - | - |
| Seventh-month 20 6th Day* of ñËëÌåÉú | áîãáø 29.29-31, not 29.26-34 | - | - | áîãáø 29.29-31, not 29.26-34 | - | - |
| Seventh-month 21 7th Day of ñËëÌåÉú äåÉùÑÇòÀðÈà øÇáÌÈà | áîãáø 29.32-34, not 29.26-34 | - | - | áîãáø 29.32-34, not 29.26-34 | - | - |
End of ñËëÌåÉú
ùÑÀîÄéðÄé òÂöÆøÆú | ||||||
| Yi•sᵊ•râ•eilꞋ | the Tᵊphutz•âhꞋ | |||||
| Tor•âhꞋ | Ma•phᵊtirꞋ | Ha•phᵊtâr•âhꞋ | Tor•âhꞋ | Ma•phᵊtirꞋ | Ha•phᵊtâr•âhꞋ | |
| Seventh-month 23 ùÑÀîÄéðÄé òÂöÆøÆú | (and) åÀùÒÄîÀçÇú-úÌåÉøÈä: Dᵊvâr•imꞋ 33.1–34.12; bᵊ-Reish•itꞋ 1.1–2.3 | bᵊ-Mi•dᵊbarꞋ 29.35–30.1 | Yᵊho•shuꞋa 1.1-18 | ùÑÀîÄéðÄé òÂöÆøÆú: If on ùáú, then Dᵊvâr•imꞋ 14.22–16.17 else Dᵊvâr•imꞋ 15.19–16.17 | bᵊ-Mi•dᵊbarꞋ 29.35–30.1 | Mᵊlâkh•imꞋ ÂlꞋëph 8.54–9.1) |
| Seventh-month 24 - | - | - | - | ùÒÄîÀçÇú úÌåÉøÈä: Dᵊvâr•imꞋ 33.1–34.12; bᵊ-Reish•itꞋ 1.1–2.3 | bᵊ-Mi•dᵊbarꞋ 29.35-30.1 | Yᵊho•shuꞋa 1.1-18 |
Note 1: Observance in the ancient gâl•utꞋ of a second day was the consequence of confusion concerning which was the correct day. This has been resolved by astronomy and mathematics coupled with the intercalation of the Judaic calendar. It has been centuries since there was any doubt as to which is the correct day and observance of a second day has, therein, been constructively rendered a forbidden addition to Tor•âhꞋ. Insofar as practical while accommodating other Jews, Nᵊtzâr•imꞋ should not observe the second (or ninth) day. Ignore the Tᵊphutz•âhꞋ schedule entirely and follow, instead, the schedule as in Yi•sᵊ•râ•eilꞋ.
Note 2: If Shab•âtꞋ falls on the 3rd day of ñËëÌåÉú: áîãáø 29.20-22, not 29.17-22;
If Shab•âtꞋ falls on the 4th day of ñËëÌåÉú: áîãáø 29.23-25, not 29.20-25;
If Shab•âtꞋ falls on the 6th day of ñËëÌåÉú: áîãáø 29.29-31, not 29.26-31
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wa-Yi•qᵊr•âꞋ 23.34 — begins the description of Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ.
ãÇÌáÌÅø, àÆì-áÌÀðÅé éÄùÒÀøÈàÅì ìÅàîÉø; áÌÇçÂîÄùÑÌÈä òÈùÒÈø éåÉí, ìÇçÉãÆù äÇùÑÌÀáÄéòÄé äÇæÌÆä çÂâ äÇñÌËëÌåÉú, ùÑÄáÀòÇú éÈîÄéí ìÇé--ä
It's no less a mitz•wâhꞋ to make a çâ on the three çâéí—PësꞋakh, Shâvu•otꞋ and Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ than any of the other mitz•wotꞋ. (Islam displaced them with their "khaj" to Mecca.)
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Two special observances of Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ are mentioned in wa-Yi•qᵊr•âꞋ (23.39-43):
that the kindred should dwell in Suk•otꞋ for seven days, so "that your generations may know that I made Bᵊn•eiꞋ-Yis•râ•eilꞋ to dwell in Suk•otꞋ, when I brought them out of the land of Mitz•raꞋyim:"
It is customary to use date-palm fronds and branches of the trees listed below for the sᵊkâkh of the Suk•âhꞋ. One must be able to see the sky / stars through it; however, it should provide more shade than sunlight.
The Suk•âhꞋ must have walls on at least three sides, although the one of the walls need not reach the roof.
The Suk•âhꞋ must be beneath the open sky. Building a 'Suk•âhꞋ' inside a 'synagogue' (or under a tree or roof or roof overhang) doesn't satisfy the rabbinical mitz•wâhꞋ.
The Suk•âhꞋ is decorated with children's crayon drawings and other artwork of Suk•otꞋ motifs, as well as festive colored twinkle or chile lights (be careful not to switch them on or off during Shab•âtꞋ or Yom Tov though, out of respect for other Orthodox Jews who don't use electricity on Shab•âtꞋ or Yom Tov). Strings of colored lights having no overt Christmas symbols are used in Israel. We use Japanese lanterns lit by a home-made string of colored lights. Using candles in Japanese lanterns is too hazardous a risk of fire, as is "Bali" torches at the entrance. If there is no danger to children, "Bali" torches solidly implanted in the ground may also be used outside the door of the Suk•âhꞋ for evening ambiance (again, don't light or extinguish them during Shab•âtꞋ or Yom Tov). Some kind of dining table and chairs is also appropriate for the interior.
On the first night of the khag, in addition to the Qi•dushꞋ over wine, a person is obliged to eat khal•âhꞋ (preceded by washing the hands, each preceded by the appropriate bᵊrâkh•âhꞋ) in the Suk•âhꞋ. During the seven days meals should be eaten in the Suk•âhꞋ as often as feasible, and on Shab•âtꞋ including khal•âhꞋ. Those who are really devout should sleep in the Suk•âhꞋ during the seven days. On the other hand, not only is a person not obliged to sleep or eat in the Suk•âhꞋ when it is raining, he is forbidden from doing so, on the grounds that it is indelicate and presumptuous to insist on carrying out a religious duty from which there is exemption. (EJ, 500).
that the kindred were to take on the first day:
wa-Yi•qᵊr•âꞋ 23.40—the ôÌÀøÄé òÅõ äÈãÈø, identified according to Halâkh•âhꞋ as the PBH [Post-Biblical Hebrew] àÆúÀøåÉâ. Teimân•imꞋ use a particular variety of àÆúÀøåÉâ, which must be specified when ordering. One must specify an àÆúÀøåÉâ Teimân•imꞋ when ordering, perhaps at extra charge. The àÆúÀøåÉâ is held in the left hand, ôÌÄèÌÈí-side down (stem side up) until the bᵊrâkh•âhꞋ is recited, and then turned ôÌÄèÌÈí-side up.
a ëÌÇôÌÉú úÌÀîÈøÄéí, identified according to Halâkh•âhꞋ as the PBH ìåÌìÈá—frond-sprout of a date-palm tree. The ìåÌìÈá is held in the right hand with the spine of the ìåÌìÈá facing the holder.
[many] switches of òÂðÇó òÅõ-òÈáÉú, identified according to Halâkh•âhꞋ as the äÂãÇñ. While other traditions use only three switches of myrtle, bound with a strip of the ìåÌìÈá on the right side of the ìåÌìÈá, the Teimân•imꞋ garnish this basic bundle of three species with a "giant fistful" of regular äÂãÇñ, which completely surrounds the lower part of the ìåÌìÈá. The ìåÌìÈá set includes only three of the àÇøáÌÈòÈä îÄéðÄéí. The àÆúÀøåÉâ is usually ordered specifically because, although ìåÌìÈá sometimes refers to the àÇøáÌÈòÈä îÄéðÄéí (which includes the àÆúÀøåÉâ), the ìåÌìÈá usually refers only to the bunch made up of the other three species. Also, when ordering a ìåÌìÈá set from a distributor it includes, in addition to the ìåÌìÈá proper, only a minimum set of two switches of òÂøÈáåÉú (see below) and a minimum set of three switches of äÂãÇñ. If you desire more äÂãÇñ they must be ordered additionally.
and [two] switches of òÇøÀáÅé-ðÈçÇì, shortened to òÂøÈáåÉú. These are bound by a strip of the ìåÌìÈá to the left side of the ìåÌìÈá.
to "rejoice before é--ä seven days" (wa-Yi•qᵊr•âꞋ 23.40).
The àÇøáÌÈòÈä îÄéðÄéí are held in the hands during the chanting of the Ha•leilꞋ. When the beginning, and pâ•suqꞋ 25, of Tᵊhil•imꞋ 118 is chanted, the ìåÌìÈá (in the right hand) is "rustled" (shaken agitatedly) for a couple of seconds to produce the sound of rustling leaves in all six directions.
Some make several poking or thrusting motions in each direction instead of agitated rustling. The Biblical mitz•wâhꞋ is an expression of sim•khâhꞋ, though it would appear to mimic or recall the ðåÌó of qârbân•otꞋ by the Kohan•imꞋ. Therefore, your choice of which of these two options (ðåÌó "rustling" or a poking motion; not making up a new option, however) is a matter of personal preference: which best helps you rejoice; not, lemming-like, merely following the local herd (which, in most localities, is not Teimân•iꞋ).
Also, while the other traditions turn their entire bodies clockwise (or counterclockwise), most of the Teimân•imꞋ keep their feet and lower body facing Har ha-•BayꞋit, twisting at the waist and neck to face the direction in which they are "rustling" the ìåÌìÈá.
Unlike the clockwise or counter-clockwise order of other traditions, the following is the Teimân•iꞋ (and, therefore, the Nᵊtzâr•imꞋ) order for "rustling" the ìåÌìÈá in each direction for a couple of seconds: I'm trying to remember a mnemonic I made up: "forbu dril" (forward, back, up, down, right and left; these instructions are from the úëìàì).
Rustle the tip of the ìåÌìÈá in the forward direction,
Rustle the tip of the ìåÌìÈá toward the rear,
Rustle the tip of the ìåÌìÈá (returning to face forward again and) upward
Rustle the tip of the ìåÌìÈá downward
Rustle the tip of the ìåÌìÈá toward the right, and, finally,
Rustle the tip of the ìåÌìÈá toward the left.
Several symbolisms are ascribed to the àÇøáÌÈòÈä îÄéðÄéí. Originally, they were probably representative of all of the variety of agricultural harvest in Israel, particularly with a view to the rains, which usually begin soon after Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ. Probably the most popular symbolism likens the shape of the àÆúÀøåÉâ to the heart, the shape of the ìåÌìÈá to the spine, the shape of the leaves of the äÂãÇñ to the eye, and the shape of the leaves of the òÂøÈáåÉú to the lips. Many homilies can be generated about how each of these should be used to praise and serve é--ä.
Toward the end of the service in the Beit ha-kᵊnësꞋët, a SeiphꞋër Tor•âhꞋ is taken from the A•ronꞋ ha-QoꞋdësh and the convocation parades in procession around the bim•âhꞋ holding the àÇøáÌÈòÈä îÄéðÄéí commemorating the processions around the Miz•beiꞋakh in the times of the Beit ha-Miq•dâshꞋ. A liturgical synonym for Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ is æÀîÇï ùÒÄîçÈúÅðåÌ.
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Zᵊkhar•yâhꞋ ha-Nâ•viꞋ 14.16 is especially illuminating:
åÀäÈéÈä, ëÌÈì-äÇðÌåÉúÈø îÄëÌÈì-äÇâÌåÉéÄí, äÇáÌÈàÄéí òÇì-éÀøåÌùÑÈìÈíÄ; åÀòÈìåÌ îÄãÌÅé ùÑÈðÈä áÀùÑÈðÈä, ìÀäÄùÑÀúÌÇçÂåÉú ìÀîÆìÆêÀ é--ä öÀáÈàåÉú, åÀìÈçÉâ àÆú-çÇâ äÇñÌËëÌåÉú:
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As the main khag of the year, Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ was the occasion for the consecration of the Beit ha-Miq•dâshꞋ by ShᵊlomꞋoh ha-•MëlꞋëkh (Mᵊlâkh•imꞋ ÂlꞋëph 8.2ff). Mosh•ëhꞋ commanded that every 7th year on the occasion of Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ, the Kohan•imꞋ were to read Tor•âhꞋ before Qᵊhil•atꞋ Yi•sᵊ•râ•eilꞋ (Dᵊvâr•imꞋ 31.10-11).
Zᵊkhar•yâhꞋ ha-Nâ•viꞋ prophesied (14.16ff) that, at the end of days all of the goy•imꞋ shall assemble for this khag in Yᵊrushâ•laꞋyim to praise and give kâ•vodꞋ to é--ä. (see also "Sukkah," EJ, 15.496-7).
In the B.C.E. 1st century, Khanukh•âhꞋ was celebrated by the Khashmonây•imꞋ as a second Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ ("Four Species," EJ, 6.1449).
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æÀëÇøÀéÈä
é"â
è' –
é"ã
ë"à
(in contrast to the Ash•kᵊnazꞋi tradition that begins with 14.1).
äÄðÌÅä éåÉí-áÌÈà ìÇé--ä; åÀçËìÌÇ÷ ùÑÀìÈìÅêÀ áÌÀ÷ÄøÀáÌÅêÀ: åÀàÈñÇôÀúÄé àÆú-ëÌÈì-äÇâÌåÉéí, àÆì-éÀøåÌùÑÈìÇíÄ, ìÇîÌÄìÀçÈîÈä, åÀðÄìÀëÌÀãÈä äÈòÄéø, åÀðÈùÑÇñÌåÌ äÇáÌÈúÌÄéí, åÀäÇðÌÈùÑÄéí úÌÄùÑÀâÌÈìÆðÌÈä; åÀéÈöÈà çÂöÄé äÈòÄéø áÌÇâÌåÉìÈä, åÀéÆúÆø äÈòÈí, ìÉà éÄëÌÈøÅú îÄï-äÈòÄéø:
The descriptions of Josephus certainly suggest that, to this point in the passage, these things were already fulfilled during the Roman conquest in 70 C.E.
Therefore, the remainder of the passage applies to events still in the future. "And é--ä shall go forth and make war against these goy•imꞋ… åÀòÈîÀãåÌ øÇâÀìÈéå on the east [side] of Har ha-Zeit•imꞋ facing Yᵊrushâ•laꞋyim. Then Har ha-Zeit•imꞋ shall split, from eastward to seaward there shall be a very great ravine, and half of the har shall be taken away toward the north and half to the south."
To interpret åÀòÈîÀãåÌ øÇâÀìÈéå literally constitutes an anthropomorphism—which is prohibited by Tor•âhꞋ. After all, é--ä is not physical. He is extra-dimensional—having no physical body parts. One might ask whether this, then, refers instead to the return of the Mâ•shiꞋakh. øÆâÆì certainly means foot or leg. However, øÆâÆì can also refer to the "foot" of a mountain, or the base of something. Thus, the pâ•suqꞋ could be interpreted as "Then the foot of Har ha-Zeit•imꞋ shall be on top of it" (i.e., the mountain shall be turned upside-down). Likely, in either interpretation, an earthquake—corroborated in Yᵊkhëz•qeilꞋ 38.19-20 (see The 1993 Covenant)—will radically reshape Har ha-Zeit•imꞋ. This may also be the event in which the mosques on Har ha-•BayꞋit are destroyed. [2002.08.28 note: IBA news reported this morning that the south wall of span class= "xlit">Har ha-•BayꞋit, visibly bulging out for several months as a result of the unauthorized Muslim construction within, is in danger of collapse. Unfortunately, the ineffective Israeli government seems likely to permit Muslims to rebuild the southern wall. Nevertheless, this evidenced that there are weaknesses in the structures that might be destroyed in a severe earthquake.]
In pâ•suqꞋ 14.5 we read "Then é--ä shall come, Ël•oh•ayꞋ of all of the qᵊdosh•imꞋ with you."
"You" refers back to "My am" in 13:9. So é--ä, Ël•oh•ayꞋ of all of the qᵊdosh•imꞋ shall come with His am!
Pâ•suqꞋ 14.6 is so enigmatic I will provide a literal translation, with clauses distinguished according to the dictates of the cantillation:
åÀäÈéÈä áÌÇéåÉí äÇäåÌà; ìÉà-éÄäÀéÆä àåÉø, éÀ÷ÈøåÉú é÷ôàåï
The Aleppo Codex confirms MT, shedding no additional light.
As a feminine plural adjective, é÷øåú must—may only—modify a fem. pl. noun. àåÉø is a masc. sing. noun that is nowhere in Ta•na"khꞋ modified by a fem. pl. adjective. Consequently, the phrase "precious light" is gramatically doubly self-contradicting, in both gender and number. To modify "lights," the fem. pl. adj. éÀ÷ÈøåÉú would requires àåÉøåÉú. While the singular form of light, àåÉø, is masculine, in the plural, "lights" can be either masculine (àåÉøÄéí as in Tᵊhil•imꞋ 136.7) or feminine (àåÉøåÉú). However, the fem. ending (àåÉøåÉú) is not found in Ta•na"khꞋ. Thus, éÀ÷ÈøåÉú cannot modify àåÉø.
The pâ•suqꞋ is so difficult that the sages, while preserving the gramatically unlikely hapax legomenon é÷ôàåï (will freeze over, congeal, condense, materialize) in the written text, followed the grammatical likelihood that the first é must, instead, be a å prefix. This produces a grammatically acceptable noun prefixed by "and," producing the clause "and a freezing-over, congealing or materializing." This form, pronounced when reciting the pâ•suqꞋ in Beit ha-kᵊnësꞋët, is found in the margin of the Hebrew text.
Tal•mudꞋ comments: "What does éÀ÷ÈøåÉú åÀ÷ÄôÌÈàåÉï mean? •marꞋ Rav Ëlᵊâ•zâr′ , 'This means the or that is éÈ÷Èø in this world, yet is ÷ÈôåÌé in ha-O•lâmꞋ ha-•BaꞋ."
"•marꞋ Rav Yokhâ•nânꞋ, This refers to [the laws of leprosy and defilement of tents because of a corpse], which are kâ•vodꞋ in this world yet shall be light in ha-O•lâmꞋ ha-•BaꞋ."
"While •marꞋ Rav Yᵊho•shuꞋa Bën-Leiw•iꞋ, This refers to the people who are kâ•vodꞋ in this world but will be lightly esteemed in ha-O•lâmꞋ ha-•BaꞋ." (Ma•sëkꞋët Pᵊsâkh•imꞋ 50a)
Aside from several references to precious gems, the only instance of the fem. pl. of éÈ÷Èø in Ta•na"khꞋ is found in Tᵊhil•imꞋ 45.10), where éÀ÷ÈøåÉú refers to "dear-women," daughters of kings (see Artscroll Stone Edition Tanakh editors note to Tᵊhil•imꞋ 45.10-16), who flock to the royal court of the Mâ•shiꞋakh. The phrase "daughters of kings" is a Hebrew idiom meaning women of the royal court. Among ancient pagan kingdoms, however, women of the royal court referred to priestesses and prophetesses (female counterparts of priests and prophets)—who divined the future for their king. Modifying ÷ÄôÌÈàåÉï, éÀ÷ÈøåÉú may then be understood as priestesses and prophetesses in ancient pagan royal courts who divined the future for their king.
All popular translations of this passage, Jewish as well as Christian, are nothing more than wild speculation. Even the dictionaries admit that the meaning eludes them.
There is, however, a meaning of ÷ÄôÌÈàåÉï that fits together well and brings the entire pâ•suqꞋ into focus that is both internally and contextually consistent. One form of ancient divination popular among the éÀ÷ÈøåÉú ("dear" = highly-valued priestess-oracles of ancient pagan royal courts; Tᵊhil•imꞋ 45.10) was lecanomancy—reading patterns of drops of oil that "congealed" in a goblet of water ("Divination," EJ, 6.114). Thus, ÷ÄôÌÈàåÉï suggests lecanomancy by éÀ÷ÈøåÉú of ancient pagan royal courts, yielding the translation: "…there shall be no light, of priestess-oracles or lecomancy."
2 I will gather the goy•imꞋ to Yᵊrushâ•laꞋyim for the war…
6 and in that day "there shall be no light [i.e. understanding], neither of dear [pagan priestess-oracles of the world's royal courts] nor of lecanomancy."
7 Then [by contrast] there shall be one day, to be known as The éåÉí of é--ä. Neither day nor night, it shall be that a dusk-period shall have àåÉø." As in the previous pâ•suqꞋ, (àåÉø is likely used allegorically, to refer to understanding.
The result of the split in Har ha-Zeit•imꞋ will also redirect springs so that they will flow out of Yᵊrushâ•laꞋyim, in summer as well as in the winter rainy season. Being that àåÉø is likely allegorical, an allegorical understanding of this pâ•suqꞋ generally must also be considered. Water is often used allegorically to refer to the RuꞋakh of Tor•âhꞋ and é--ä.
9 "And it shall have be that é--ä shall be the MëlꞋëkh over all of the land. In that day é--ä shall be One, and His Name One."
12 seems to describe a chemical or biological weapon nightmare.
14 "Then Yᵊhud•âhꞋ shall also fight in Yᵊrushâ•laꞋyim…"
Finally, the goy•imꞋ will be taught to keep Khag ha-Suk•otꞋ and the rest of Tor•âhꞋ.
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